LINKAGE THEORY

By

                                                  O.P.Adelusi, PhD

                                                            adelusifemi@yahoo.com

                                                                             

Linkage theory evolves from systems analysis (FRANKELIJ :1972) .According to JosephFrankel in his book entitled Contemporary International theory and Behaviourofstate.1972; he posit that what he refer to as the linkage approach has its starting point from the systems analysis. Further still, for him, ‘Linkage’denotes “any recurrentsequence of  behaviour that originates in one system and is reacted to in another “(J N. ROSENAU 1969:5)

The initial and the terminal stages of linkage are described as “inputs “ and ” outputs “ are differentiated according to their origin within the state or withinits external environment.The Input and output are linked together by three major types of linkages namely;the Penetrative;the Reactive and the Emulative.

“Penetrative“Linkage –is one in which one polity serves as a participant in the political processes of another and shares the authority to allocate values within the penetrated units.     This category embraces not only political and military but also economic penetration and could be usefully employed in the analysis of the denomination of industriesand economies by massive foreign investment.

“Reactive “linkage is what is caused by boundary –crossing reactions without direct foreign participation in the decisions made within the unit.

“Emulative” linkage is where the response takes essentially the same as the action triggering itoff.

The “linkage” approach is useful because it neither denies nor exaggerates the relevance of national boundaries.

James N ROSENAU in his edited work entitled Linkage Politicsfree press.New York 1969 has an article by M.O LEARY entitled “Domestic politics and the international system”p.330.The author shares the definition of international politics with Morton Kaplan. Thus both M.O LEARY and Morton Kaplan. Sees a linkage between Domestic politics and international politics.

Precisely, Morton KAPLAN sees international politics. As an arena in which ultimately authoritative State …..have to come into contact with each other and settle their conflicts without the supravention of any external political Authority (M.KAPLAN 1961:470) Kaplan has been observed to have provide the opening wedge for such consideration . He points out that the need for sensitivity to the existence of “Coupled” social systems, when the output of one (say domestic political system) is input for (the international system) and vice versa.

In essence, strong independent governments and a stable unintegrated international system tend to reinforce one another. Thissupportive relationship suggests that the leaders of a strong and stable domestic political system (in Kaplan’s term, a system dominated by a subsystem) may have a special affinity for an unintegrated competitive international system.

There is another important linkage between domestic politics and international political system which is relevant -that is the active participation in international Relationsrequires the establishment of an effective cadre of officials charged with successful management of their nation’s foreign relations.

A.A.STEIN in his article entitled “The politics of Linkage” in World Politics.Vol.xxxiii No.1October 1980 stated that Linkage is a face of a two party relationship and its rigorous analysis requires a model of international interaction.

Figure 1

A No conflict situation

  In this and all following figures cell numerals refer to ordinarily ranked preferences:- 4 = best , 1= Worst ; the first number in each cell refers to As preference and the second number in each cell refers to Bs preference,

Forms of Linkage

An actor aggrieved with an equilibrium outcome cannot improve its position simply by changing its own Course of Action, Therefore,the aggrieved actor must get the other actor to change it course of action and that is why it turns to linkage politics. There are three different kinds of linkage appropriate in different situations which require that the aggrieved actor followdifference bargaining strategies.

(i)              Coerced Linkage –This is a situation in in whichthe aggrieved actor eschews its dominant strategy and thus forced the other, which has a contingent strategy to change course. The U. S attempt to get Britain to withdraw its forces from the Suez Canal in 1956 may be considered an example of coerced linkage.

(ii)            Threat  Produce Linkage – Such a threat could be made in the following circumstances;- (a) The actor that links issues (A) has a dominant strategy, preferring one particular course e.g A, no matter what the other does . (b) This aggrieved actor also prefers that B doB2 when it does A,1 (c)  the other actor  (B) either has a dominant strategy of  B1 or  (d)Has a contingent strategy preferring B1 only when A does A1 and B2 when A does A2  for example ,an Arab threat to embargo oil in order to obtain a change in U.S middle East policy .

The U.S and OPEC

U.S

Maintain Mid - East                            Change Mid-East                                               Policy                             Policy                                                                                                            B1                                                                B2

(Iii)  Mutual Linkage. This is one situationin which the desire for linkage is mutual and

in which either Actor can link the issues.

Allies

B1 No contribution to self Defence          B2 contribution to self Defence

Actor’s Dominant Strategy

Equilibrium Outcome

Prisoner’s Dilemma

Actor B

B1                          B2

In prisoner’s dilemma, either actor can introduce linkage by promising to eschew

it dominant strategy if the other also agree to do so.The initiator promises to do what is not in its interest if the other reciprocates. Mutual linkage requires that both actors shift away from their dominant strategies and that both eschew standard decision criteria of strict maximization. In contrast, threat- induced – linkage requires only that the threatened actor change course, coerced linkage requires that the initiator eschew its dominant strategy and normal decision criteria, thus forcing the other to change its policy .But the mutual. Linkage in the prisoner’s dilemma requires that both eschew the standard decision criteria and the dominant strategy, Thefirst actor has no assurance (unless it has been negotiated and formalized) that the other will be exploited if the other does not respond in kind

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1.     J.N ROSENAU “Towards the study of National –International linkages” in J.N ROSENAU (ed), Linkage Politics. New York; The Free Press. 1969 .p.ps35-15

2.     M.O’LEARY “Domestic Politics and the International System” in J.N ROSENAU (ed)Ibid  pp.330-335

3.     J.FRANKEL,Contemporary International Theory and Behaviour of State. FreePress. New York 1972.

4.     A.A STEIN “The Politics of  Linkage” World Politics .Vol.xxxiii  No1.October 1980

CONCENTRIC CIRCLES APPROACH TO FOREIGN POLICY MAKING AND ANALYSIS: AN EXPLORATORY ESSAY

                                              BY

ADELUSI.O.P (PhD),

ABSTRACT

This paper is an exploratory study of the importance of concentric circles approach in policy making and analysis. It established the premise that concentric circles theory has been applied by scholars in Foreign policy analysis and by some governments in foreign policy making. Attempt has been made to examine such instances. Among the findings arrived at are that the application of this theory facilitates a quick comprehension of the main axis of the foreign policy of such State being analyzed; it also underlie the importance that such a State attaches to the specified area of interest. The study concludes that the concentric circles theory is apt to the study of foreign policy analysis which is a major study area in international relations. To undertake this task, the paper has been divided into four parts; namely, the Introduction, followed by the conceptual clarification of the main concepts in the theory, while the third part examines the case studies of the application of the theory in foreign policy making and analysis. Conclusion sums up the study in the fourth part.

I-                INTRODUCTION

Concentric Circles theory has come to stay in socio-economic analysis. When the Sociologist Ernest Burgess first proposed the Concentric Circle Theory in 1925. Http://www.ehow.com/   Little did he know that his theory which was among the first to explain urban social structure and its evolution will expand to other aspects socio-economic environment. One notable benefit of this theory at its inception was that the theory was the first to explain that urban structures arose naturally, without planning. Subsequent developments have made the theory applicable in diverse areas of study.

This chapter is an exploratory study of the importance of concentric circles approach in policy making and analysis. It established the premise that concentric circles theory has been applied by scholars in Foreign policy analysis and by some governments in foreign policy making. Attempt has been made to examine such instances. Among the findings arrived at are that the application of this theory facilitates a quick comprehension of the main axis of the foreign policy of such State being analyzed; it also underlie the importance that such a State attaches to the specified area of interest.

The study concludes that the concentric circles theory is apt to the study of foreign policy analysis which is a major study area in international relations. To undertake this task, the chapter has been divided into four parts; namely, the Introduction, followed by the conceptual clarification of the main concepts in the theory, while the third part examines the case studies of the application of the theory in foreign policy making and analysis. Conclusion sums up the study in the fourth part.

II-             CONCEPTUAL CLARIFICATION OF THE MAIN CONCEPTS IN THE THEORY

The important question under this section is what are concentric circles? Many answers come handy here. Concentric circles are circles that form within each other around a common point. An example of a concentric circle would be the ripples you see if you throw a small stone into a body of still water. http://mathworld.wolfram.com/ConcentricCircles.html .

Another definition has it that concentric circles are circles that share the same center, axis, or origin with one inside the other. A good example of concentric circles is the Olympics logo.  http://answers.ask.com/Science/Mathematics/

When circles are said to be concentric it means that they have the same center point. Concentric circles look like rings around a specific point.

The second most important question then is what is Concentric Circles theory? According to Willow Wisp, ehow Contributor, Http://www.ehow.com/, Concentric Circles Theory, one of the earliest in sociology, predicts that urban social structures develop in concentric circles about a city's center. Applying this theory, city planners, corporations and even individuals can better use a city's resources.

History has it that Sociologist Ernest Burgess first proposed the Concentric Circles Theory in 1925. Http://www.ehow.com/ and that his theory was among the first to explain urban social structure and its evolution. Noting that concentric bands of similar land use seemed to arise without planning about the city center, Burgess argued that such growth could be forecast.

It is on record that while today newer theories better describe this evolution, this theory was the first to explain that these structures arose naturally, without planning. Http://www.ehow.com/

Elmo Roper developed Concentric Circles Theory with regards to Mass Communication. Under this theory, he posits that ideas penetrate to the whole public very slowly, and that ideas move out in concentric circles from the Great Thinkers, to Great Disciples, to Great Disseminators, to Lesser Disseminators, to Politically Actives, and finally to the Politically Inert.

III-            THE APPLICATION OF CONCENTRIC CIRCLES THEORY TO FOREIGN POLICY MAKING AND ANALYSIS.

Various attempts have been made to apply this Concentric Circles theory to Foreign Policy making and analysis. We need to take a cursory look at some of them:

Ibrahim A. Gambari (1989), asserts that;

“a country’s foreign policy revolves around its national interests. Nigeria is not and cannot be an exception to this. While Africa remains the centre piece of our foreign policy, we cannot operate within a series of concentric circles which now effectively guides our behavior on the African and world scene. The innermost of the circles of national interests involves Nigeria’s security- territorial integrity and political independence- and that of the neighbours of Nigeria.”

 Ojārs Kalniņš (2005), in examining Latvia’s National Development Plan 2014-2020, affirms that the Foreign Ministry deals with strengthening Latvia’s political and economic interests abroad. He adduced that since Latvia’s Foreign Service cannot embrace the entire world, so it is natural to divide that world into regions of priority.

Ojārs Kalniņš (2013), discusses those priorities of Latvia’s foreign policy, he has described as concentric circles of interest. He went ahead to identify six such circles. The first and closest circle includes our immediate neighbours: Lithuania, Estonia, Belarus and Russia. The second circle is slightly larger, and includes the Baltic Sea region and the Nordic countries. The third circle, where he placed the European Union and NATO. The fourth circle:  the EU’s Eastern Partnership; Fifth circle – Central Asia and Afghanistan, while the Sixth and last circle, is the Far East. For an elaborate discussion of this, “ and the purposes of the Latvian Parliament’s annual Foreign Policy Debates, he has chosen to isolate those priorities by segmenting Latvia’s foreign policy world into concentric circles of interest. He has identified six such circles.

The first and closest circle includes Latvia’s immediate neighbours: Lithuania, Estonia, Belarus and Russia. While relations with all these countries are important economically, they are much more complex and diverse politically. According to him they will remain a top priority in 2013. 

The second circle is slightly larger, and includes the Baltic Sea region and the Nordic countries. Here he posits that Latvia continues to develop good ties in such multi-lateral formats as NB8, the Nordic-Baltic Council and the Council of Baltic Sea States. This year Latvia hosts the Baltic Development Forum and in 2015 during Latvia’s Presidency of the European Union, she plans to organize a special forum on the EU’s Baltic Sea Strategy.

But in 2013 most of Latvia’s attention will be focused on the third circle, where a special place has been reserved for the European Union and NATO.  Both organizations expand Latvia’s areas of direct foreign engagement, although at the moment the greatest challenges lie in the EU itself, and Latvia’s place in it. As always, Latvia’s strategic partnership with the United States anchors her commitment to the transatlantic relationship.

This third circle also reveals the geographic direction of Latvia’s interest in the fourth circle:  the EU’s Eastern Partnership. Cooperating with and supporting such eastern neighbours as Georgia, Ukraine, and Moldova has always been a priority for Latvia. Direct person-to-person ties in these countries dating back to pre-independence periods has enabled Latvia to make robust use of Cooperative Development programs, which need to be expanded. Latvia also plans to host an Eastern Partnership Summit during our EU Presidency in 2015.

History, economic interests, and Latvia’s foreign policy priorities also determine the geographic direction of her sphere of interest in the next, fifth circle – Central Asia and Afghanistan. Latvia’s embassies in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan have been extremely successful as contact embassies for NATO, and have developed a special expertise and respect in the entire region.

Latvia’s role in the NATO ISAF mission in Afghanistan has produced a unique opportunity for long-term economic development as well. Working together with the US, Russia, NATO and regional countries, Latvia plays a key role in the Northern Distribution Network – the transport corridor for shipping NATO ISAF supplies from Latvia to Afghanistan. This has enormous future potential, for the moment that this network becomes a commercial transshipment corridor and connects to the planned New Silk Road, the door will open for Latvia’s road to the sixth and last circle, the Far East.

If until now such countries as China, Japan, Korea and India didn’t seem within reach of Latvia’s foreign policy grasp, then today they are very palpable. China and Japan have very active embassies in Riga and soon will be joined by South Korea. These countries are part of one of the most dynamic and rapidly growing regions in the world, and are looking with growing interest at Latvia’s strategic location in Northern Europe. The time has come to focus much more attention to this region, and determine how economic and political developments there can be aligned with Latvia’s long-term national interests. While some commentators have made much of the United States’ ‘pivot’ to Asia, it’s only natural that Europe does the same. Thanks to Latvia’s eastward tangent through the six circles of foreign engagement, this once distant region of the world is the logical next step in the long-term expansion of our international diplomacy.

In 2012, the Latvian Foreign Ministry took a bold (and necessary) step in providing the framework for Latvia’s ‘pivot to the Far East’.  It established an ‘External economic policy coordinating council’, which brings together the Foreign, Economic, Transportation and Agricultural ministries, as well as other state institutions.  This institutional model of cooperation is ideally suited to review and analyse just how Latvia’s economic interests, geostrategic location and existing logistical and transportation links to the east can be further developed to promote our national interests. Suddenly, the Far East no longer seems so far.

Latvia cannot embrace the world, but thinking strategically about her potential long-term interests in specific geographic directions and regions, Latvia’s foreign policy can play an essential role in promoting her national interests. Latvia’s moving in the right direction. But she must move faster, further and with a greater understanding of Latvia’s unique place in a globalized world.” Ojārs Kalniņš (2013),

Dewi Fortuna Anwar (2003), has put Indonesia's primary concentric circle on ASEAN countries, the South Pacific, East Asia, and multilateral diplomacy made up the second, third and fourth circles. Otherwise put, that in the existing Indonesian foreign policy concentric circles, ASEAN remains first, followed by Pacific countries like Australia, PNG, Timor Lester and New Zealand. The East Asian economies such as Japan, China and South Korea are third while the fourth and fifth are thematic multilateral diplomacy (NAM and OIC) and lastly, the multilateral diplomacy in the UN.

Hassan Saliu (2011), has aptly put it in real focus, the place of this theory in the analysis of Nigerian Foreign Policy;

    “There has been an increased interest in adopting the concentric circles in analyzing

Nigerian foreign policy since the time of Ibrahim Gambari as External Affairs Minister of

Nigeria between 1984 and 1985. He has often argued that more will be gained if scholars and policy-makers develop the layered approach to the study of Nigerian foreign policy. By this, it means that Nigeria’s interests in global affairs should be located in the physical Nigeria and her immediate neighours in West Africa, larger Africa, then the rest of the world and international organizations. This, Ibrahim Gambari and others who believe in the thesis of concentric circles argue, is the best way for Nigeria to go in protecting her interests.”

A new twist in the theory of Concentric Circles is that of the concept of beneficial concentricism. It is worthy of note that Bola A.Akinterinwa,(ed). (2012), employed this first, in his edited book, Nigeria’s National Interests in a Globalizing World: Further Reflections on Constructive and Beneficial Concentricism. It has twenty-four chapters. While we acknowledge the contributions of the scholars involved in the book project, the concept of beneficial concentricism still calls for further elaboration. Does beneficial concentricism constitute an abstraction of Nigerian self-preservation embedded in each layer of defined policy framework?

With this potential undertone of the new twist of the Concentric Circles theory, if fully developed it could become more useful to scholars in the study area of foreign policy analysis. It seems that the needed answer has been provided in an earlier work by Bola A.Akinterinwa (2004);

 “It discusses the proposal of a constructive and beneficial concentricism in which the

Ultimate beneficiary of Nigerian foreign policy endeavours will be 'Nigerians' and in which the strategies of implementation require the determination and prioritization of the interests at stake in each concentric circle… The epicentral question in the various concentric circles of interests is: how do we make Nigeria's foreign policy more constructive in design and beneficial in outcome to the good people of Nigeria”

Omotere Tope (2011), employed the Concentric Circles theory in his seminal work; He posits that,

“Analysis of Nigeria’s foreign policy shows that her leaders operate within four “concentric circles” of national interest. The innermost circle represents Nigeria’s own security, independence and prosperity and is centred on its immediate neighbours- Benin, Cameroun, Chad and Niger; the second circle revolves around Nigeria’s relations with its West African neighbours; the third circle focuses on continental African issues of peace, development and democratization; and the fourth circle involves Nigeria’s relations with organizations, institutions and states outside Africa”.

Indianembassy.org (2013), relates India's foreign policy as always regarding the concept of neighborhood as one of widening concentric circles, around a central axis of historical and cultural commonalties. From this point of view, it has always given due priority to the development of relations with South East Asia. In 1947, India organized the Asian Relations Conference. It chaired the International Control Commission in 1954 and was a major player in the organization of the Bandung Conference in 1955. Today, India is implementing a 'Look East' policy which is underpinned by important economic considerations. Some significant steps in the pursuance of this policy have been taken with the admission of India as a full dialogue partner of ASEAN and a member of the ASEAN Regional Forum, in 1996.  Introduction to India's Foreign Policy, Embassy of India – Washington, DC. Indianembassy.org. Retrieved 2013-08-17)

IV-           CONCLUSION

This study has carried out an exploratory analysis of the use of the concentric circles theory in the making and analysis of foreign policies of many States. It came out that this concentric circles theory has proven useful and convenient in the making of foreign policies, in the first instance and other study areas across the disciplines. From Mathematics, Sociology, Mass communication to International Relations. It was discovered that this theory has been well suited for the various purposes. Mention was made of an observable twist in the use of such theory and that is what has been described as Constructive and Beneficial Concentricism. Whatever this twist has added to our understanding of the theory, certainly it is still under construction. Finally, the study concludes that the concentric circles theory is apt to the study of foreign policy analysis which is a major study area in international relations.

REFERENCES

Bola A.Akinterinwa (2004); Nigeria's New Foreign Policy Thrust: Essays in Honour of Ambassador Oluyemi Adeniji NIIA. Lagos. 517pp

Bola A.Akinterinwa,(ed). (2012), Nigeria's National Interests in a Globalizing World: Further Reflections on Constructive and Beneficial Concentricism .Chapter 4. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, pp70-90.

Dewi Fortuna Anwar (2003),    “Megawati’s Search for Effective Foreign Policy”- in Hadi Soesastro, Anthony L. Smith, Mui Ling Han (eds), 2003),    Governance in Indonesia: Challenges Facing the Megawati Presidency.

                                                

Elmo Roper, (2013) “Communication Theories-Concentric Circle Theory”, http://search.tb.ask.com/search/redirect.jhtml/ .  Retrieved from internet 15 August 2013.

Ernest Burgess, (2013), Http://www.ehow.com/ , retrieved from internet 8 August 2013.

Hassan Saliu (2011), Book review- Bola Akinterinwa (ed), (2007), Nigeria’s National Interests in a Globalizing World: Further Reflections on  Constructive and Beneficial Concentricism. Ibadan: Bolytag International Publishers, (volume three).

Ibrahim A. Gambari (1989), Theory and Reality in foreign policy making: Nigeria after the Second Republic- Humanities Press, Pages 21, 205, 230

Indianembassy.org (2013), “India's Foreign Policy - 50 Years of Achievement”  

Ojārs Kalniņš, Raimonds Cerūzis, (2005), Latvia Today: Keystone of the Baltic.  Latvijas Institūts, - Latvia - 32 pages

Omotere Tope (2011), Assessment of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy under President Olusegun Obasanjo’s Administration, 1999-2007. EgoBoosters Books.   Volume One: Contending Issues in Nation Building. NIIA. Lagos.

Willow Wisp, (2013), Http://www.ehow.com/ , retrieved 

OF “NEW WAYS OF THINKING AND ACTING”: ELEMENTS OF FOUNDATION OF PEACE IN SIERRA LEONE

BY

Olufemi P. Adelusi

ABSTRACT

In this chapter, an attempt is made to examine the constituent factors that could possibly lay foundations of peace in Sierra Leone, after the ECOMOG- restored Democratic Government and Governance.  Critical among these factors are those of possession of “new ways of thinking and new ways of acting” by the elected leadership; Engaging in justice-driven peace instead of the peace of the graveyard.  The study proposed that attitudinal change in the direction of good governance, accommodation of dissenting views within the democratic structures of state and virile civil society; on the part of government and the governed – societal grouping would ensure an enduring foundation of peace in Sierra Leone.

I.               INTRODUCTION

Sierra Leone or Serra Lyoa as it was first called by the Portuguese that gave her the name (Kup.A.P; 1964:21).  This West African State had once had her history jolted by an unusual event in her very recent past, once it was in 1965 when a politician of note Mr. Siaka Stevens won an election and was expected to be made the President only for the event to be scuttled, the army came in to restore order and had Mr. Stevens in the saddle as the result of an election had revealed.  The politician ruled thereafter.  An aged Politician as he could be described later Mr. Siaka Stevens must have read restlessness among his compatriots before inviting Major General Momoh to succeed him.  His belief then was, that an army officer would be able to hold fort and prevent divisible tendencies.

It was during the rule of General Momoh that civil society became disenchanted.  Multi-partism was slow in being given free reign.  Credible organized dissenting voices were snuffed out or denied access to economic benefits of being in the system.  This gave birth to opposition forces within and was later supported from without.  In its wake, war weary officers overthrew ‘spineless’ General Momoh.  Captain Valentine Strasser’s coup bid brought to an end a failed democratic stage- managed political dispensation.  On tasting power, the young military officers began in fighting and in a palace coup; Strasser was deposed given way for Captain but later Brigadier Bio to fulfil the officers pledge to return their country Sierra Leone back to Civil-democratic rule.  The beneficiary of this event was President Ahmed Tejan Kabah.  Since the raging combat with the RUF- revolutionary United Front was never achieved under Momoh and his successors, the elected civilian government, inherited it.  It was the shoddy manner in which the agreement struck to end the civil strife between Tejan Kabah’s government and the RUF was being implemented that eventually served as the remote cause of the Johnny Koromah led coup d’etat against the elected civilian government in place on 25^th May 1997.

History was to repeat itself on 12^th February 1998, with the ECOMOG overturn of the Sierra Leone putchists and the 10^th April reinstatement of Tejan Kabah as Civilian elected president of Sierra Leone.  Thus for the second time in her history.  Elected government was helped back to power after a disturbing prelude.

In this chapter an attempt is made to examine the constituent factors that could lay foundations of peace in Sierra Leone, with the return to power of the formerly deposed elected government of President Ahmed Tejan Kabah.  For clarity of purpose, this chapter has been divided into sections; the introduction; the objective elements of foundations of peace in Sierra Leone, the practical necessities of socio-political geography of peace in Sierra Leone and the conclusion.

II.            OF “NEW WAYS OF THINKING AND ACTING” ELEMENTS OF FOUNDATION OF PEACE.

Peace is not an absence of war in a State.  It has been observed that peace among social groups within the “Nation” reposes upon a dual foundation; the disinclination of the members of society to break the peace and their inability to break the peace if they should be so inclined.(Morgenthau.H.J,1964:502).Indeed, people will be disinclined to break the peace nevertheless, it has been noted, under two conditions; on the one hand, they must feel loyalties to society as a whole which surpass their loyalties to any part of it and on the other hand, they must be able to expect from society at least an approximation of justice through at least the partial satisfaction of their demands. (Morgenthau.H.J, 1964:502).  Peace was absent from Sierra-Leone for over eighteen months of gruelling sanctions meted against the usurping military junta in power by the international community led by the countries of Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).  The people of Sierra Leone were not persuaded to disincline to break the precarious peace under their elected government before the usurpers carried out into the open what many people had been talking under and secretly.  This illustrates an earlier contribution to reflection on the concept of peace; in which it was observed that “the obstacles to peace are in the minds and hearts of men” ⁽Angell.N, 1972).  The other side of the coin is to echo that “conflict in Africa, as everywhere is caused by human action and can be ended by human action”(Annan.K, 1998:11).

The return of President Ahmed Tejan Kabbah presents the country a second chance in remoulding her peace blocks for development.  With the new dispensation comes an awareness that there is the need for new ways of thinking and new ways of acting by the elected representatives of the Sierra-Leoneans.   Upper most among the elements of foundation of peace, is the possession of cognitive map of good governance by the leadership in Sierra Leone.  The leadership of the forces of righteousness and unselfishness (Mott.J, 1998:362) which needs to be understanding of both its antecedents and background is in line with the practicalities of good governance.  For good governance to take a firm root there is the need for a consideration of the interplay of social forces that make peace within the state.  An awareness that Sierra Leone with her 99% Mende, 1% Creole, Europeans, Lebanese and Asian,(John.M;1991:77-78) groups are antagonistic to each other in the sense that their respective claims are mutually exclusive.  Indeed, that mutual exclusiveness of opposing claims is noted to be particularly obvious in the economic sphere where one group may demand a share in the economic product which another group refuses to  grant (Morgenthau.H.J,1964:502).    This element is so potent that is has been observed that, “poor economic performance, and inequitable development have resulted in a near permanent economic crisis.”( Annan.K, 1998:11).

The new way of thinking and acting on the part of the rejuvenated leadership in Sierra Leone underlies the need to avoid, the centralization of both decision-making power and political privilege in the hands of a relatively few State elites and ultimately in the person of the Head of State” (Wunch.J.S & Olowu.D;1990:330) instead, this should be demonstrated in according the civil society the needed vital space and network of potentially independent organizations that proves instrumental for the authentic articulation of interests; for the airing of conflicting perspectives of societal projects and for the definition of an overall concept and perspective of development that commands the measure of consensus that is a prerequisite of political legitimacy.(Kossler.R & Melber.H;1996:72).The essence of this is the need to carry all the disparate groups along with the vision of the leadership for the country.

Other aspects of peace initiative are those that have bearing on the implementation through accountability of the deliberated socio-economic policies of provision of food – encouraging of people by incentives, provision of shelter by policies that remove tariffs over inputs to achieving this; provision of educational facilities – through infrastructural facilities erected and campaign programmes, by the elected representatives at all levels of the state administration.  Indeed, instead of government knows all and does all mentality;  The new ways of thinking and acting involves the attitudinal change that means embarking on infrastructural provisions – in the domain of electricity, water-portable water, good roads networks, other transportation network, Telecommunication;  While leaving the actual services and goods production to the creativity of the citizens.   This has the great advantage of seeing development as self governance with broad based, people oriented policies that can be sustained with the largest possible number of persons and organization of a society possessing economic and political authority. (Wunch.J.S & Olowu.D; 1990:330).    Talking of good governance, it has been observed that, more than any other contributive factors, “good governance is now more than ever the condition for the success of both peace and development.” (Annan.K, 1998:11). The concept of good governance has been broadened to include a realisation that there is the need for cultivation of the good will by the leaders of African countries to rely upon political rather than military responses to problems; to engage more of democratic channels for pursuing legitimate interests and expressing dissent must be protected while political opposition need be respected and accommodated in constitutional forms. (Annan.K, 1998:11).    In addition ensuring respect for human rights and the rule of law, strengthening of the democratisation on course as well as the promotion of transparency and capability in public administration will go a long way in breeding mutual self confidence among the diverse ethnic groups of Sierra Leone.

III.         THE PRACTICAL NECESSITIES OF SOCIO-POLITICAL   GEOGRAPHY OF PEACE IN SIERRA LEONE

To say that Sierra Leoneans would for ever forget the imaginary line that divides them along pro and anti major Koromah’s tenure, is to glide over the practical necessities of socio-political geography of peace in Sierra Leone.  Just as French politics since the advent of the fifth Republic has continued to be seen in terms of the divide between those who were of resistance to the German occupation of France and those who collaborated with the Germans; or just as it is plausible to imagine Nigerian internal politics in the foreseeable future being dominated by pro and anti June 12, 1993 presidential election result.  Sierra Leoneans were divided over committee set up in exile by the ousted and to be re-installed President Ahmed Tejan Kabbah, to prepare grounds for his return from exile.  It must be noted that the said committee was reported as having arrived Freetown to a hostile reception from Sierra Leoneans who stayed behind and fought the junta but are now excluded from the Committee.(The Post Express;1998;24 February:2)    Indeed, it was similarly observed that the composition of such committee would have reflected more of those who had experienced the struggle as; one of them aptly puts it “they have failed to realise that some of us stayed behind and put up with the brunt of the AFRC brutality, harassment, torture and detention for the past nine months” (The Post Express;1998;24february 1998:2).  This situation casts a shadow over prospect of total peace in Sierra Leone.

There are certain important aspects of governance that needs to be taken seriously to avoid the mess of the situation that brought the junta into office.  It has been observed that the presence of former politicians of the ‘discredited’   All People Congress (APC) in Tejan Kabbah’s government had raised more questions and opened more wounds than it healed (The Post Express; 1998:6 April).  In addition this, the Sierra Leonean Congress had always been like a war front, while the parliament was often chaotic, thereby building an acrimonious relationship with the executive arm of government. (The Post Express; 1998:6 April).     Thus, there are rooms for improvement on the part of the reinstalled government of President Tejan Kabbah towards creating a cooperative atmosphere between the executive and legislative arms of government.    There is the need for an urgent process of disarmament and restructuring of the Armed Forces.  In so doing, it is without gain saying the fact, that equal representation need be accorded the 13 ethnic groups in the country.  The SOFA-state of Forces Agreement or a Defence pact can never bring real peace to Sierra-Leoneans; as such, agreements or Pacts merely strengthens the hands of the incumbent regime in oppressing the generality of the citizens.  Nevertheless, an important factor informing conditions of domestic peace is overwhelming power of the state. (Morgenthau.H.J,1964:502).       It has been observed that this factor counts heavily in preserving peace within national societies, thus with the overwhelming power, a society can nip in the bud all attempts at disturbing the peace.   This overwhelming power manifests itself in two different ways namely, in the form of material force of irresistible social pressure. (Morgenthau.H.J,1964:502).       What then could be said to be the contribution of the state to the maintenance of domestic peace?

It has to be noted that the ‘State’ is but another name for the compulsory organization of society i.e. for the legal order that determines the conditions under which society may employ its monopoly of organized violence for the preservation or order and peace (Morgenthau.H.J,1964:507).  Harmonising these factors informing conditions of Domestic peace is not going to be an easy task for President Tejan Kabbah.  But looking back at the events that led to his over-throw and the intervention of ECOWAS, He was reported to have believed that he has learnt a lot from them.

 “I can say with some degree of certainty that we have learnt a lot from the unfortunate experience we passed through and hope that it will guide us in whatever we do to reconstruct our country and the formulation of policy for the well being of our country and our people”(This Day;21 February,1998:9).

Furthermore, the Sierra Leonean President was reported to have said that his immediate pre-occupation when he returns to power is to get his work together in order to bring about national cohesion.  “We shall work very hard and spend most of our time in rebuilding our country so that we can forge ahead into the 21^st century with confidence, peace and security” (This Day;21 February,1998:9)..  Indeed, there are indications that the Presidents’ style of administration this time around may be radically different from what it was before the event of May 25 1997, talking of new ways of thinking and new ways of acting.  He was reported as having spotted certain weaknesses in Sierra Leone but which he said developed over the last 30 years and that he needed “to design special missions to address them” (This Day;21 February,1998:9). to make government machinery more effective and more action oriented.  He was further reported to have said, it has become important to focus the attention of all government functionaries on the fact that both the President and the public servants all work for the people.

Concerning the President’s plan on the member of the junta captured by ECOMOG and who are now prisoners of war.  He was reported to have said that “the junta and those in detention at the moment, we will carefully have to interrogate them.  But those who knowingly and wilfully did things to destabilise our country, to make our people suffer, to make us go through all these humiliations, they will have to face the law” (This Day;21 February,1998:9).

IV.          CONCLUSION

In conclusion, central to the elements of foundation of peace in Sierra Leone, had been suggested, new ways of thinking and acting.  If the emphasis had been stressed on the leadership, it is by no means the only segment of the society that needs it.  The follower ship needs to rise more to the occasion.  It has to be guided surely by the example set by the leadership.  Indeed, part of the horizon of new   ways of thinking and acting includes creation of actual opportunity for public debate and the structure of the public sphere which form instrumental preconditions for determining modes of decision-making in such vital areas as development projects to be pursued. (LIPSSLER.R & MELBER.H; 1996:69)

Finally, an attempt has been made to examine some of the constituent factors that could possibly lay foundations of peace in Sierra Leone, after the ECOMOG-restored Democratic government and governance.  Critical among these factors are those of “new ways of thinking and new ways of acting” by the elected leadership and follower ship; engaging in justice driven peace instead of the peace of the grave yard.  This study proposed that attitudinal change in the direction of good governance, accommodation of dissenting views within the democratic structures of state and virile civil society; on the part of government and the governed – societal grouping would ensure an enduring foundation of peace in Sierra Leone.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1.    Angell, N.( 1972)  “Peace and the Public Mind” Noble Essay lecture, June 12, 1935, in Frederick W.HABERMAN(ed), Nobel Lectures – Peace 1926 – 1950. Vol.2 Elsevier Publishing Company.  Amsterdam. London & New York..

2.    Annan, K(1998),Assessment Report on Africa to the UN General Assembly, 16 April 1998, see Daily Times (Lagos) 24 April  p.11

3.    Johns. M (ed),( 1991), U. S and Africa Statistical Handbook. See ‘Sierra Leone’  The Heritage Foundation, Washington D. C.. pps. 77-78

4.    Kossler. R. And Melber, H.( 1996),    “The concept of Civil Society and the Process of Nation – Building in African States” in Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft: International Politics and Society. 1/Friedrich Ebert Foundation. p.72.

5.    Kup, A. P. (1964), The Story of Sierra Leone, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. p.21

6.    Morgenthau, Hans. J (1964). Politics among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace.  Alfred A. Knopf. New York. 3^rd Edition p.502.

7.    Mott, J.( 1998), “The leadership demanded in this Momentous Time” Nobel Essay in Frederick. W. HABERMAN(ed), Nobel Lectures – Peace 1926 – 1950. op. cit. p. 362.

8.    The Post Express (Lagos), (1998), 6 April

9.     The Post Express (Lagos) (1998), 24 February  p.2

10. This Day (Lagos)( 1998), 21 February  p.9

11.Wunsch. J. S.  And Olowu. D. (eds), (1990), The Failure of the Centralized State, Institutions and Self Governance in Africa (Boulder, C. O.: West-view Press, April p.330.